Under this headline, on June 11, The Washington Times published an article by Russian politician and businessman Yevgeny Savostyanov calling on the leaders of the free world to recognize the anti-Putin resistance movement as legitimate representatives of the Russian people, as was once done with the French anti-fascist resistance of General Charles de Gaulle

Allied leaders should invite representatives of democratic resistance to celebrations

OPINION:

On June 6, representatives of numerous nations gathered at Omaha Beach to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Allied landing that dashed Hitler’s hopes of a “thousand-year Reich.” The celebration was the first of many as humanity marks 80 years since the final victory over German fascism and, later, Japanese militarism.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was one of the most honored guests at the affair, representing a people whose heroic struggle garners universal admiration today and a de facto representative of the peoples of the former Soviet Union, who made significant contributions to this great victory. The people of Russia, however, who made up more than half of the Soviet armed forces during World War II and made enormous sacrifices, were notably absent.

Such a scenario would have been unthinkable 20 years ago. Back then, Vladimir Putin, already president of Russia, was the sole global leader to receive an invitation from then-French President Jacques Chirac for a personal dinner on that solemn day. But Mr. Putin’s war of aggression against Russia’s western neighbor has alienated his regime from the international community and made Moscow an international pariah. For the Russian people, such a role is nothing short of calamitous.

To understand how to change this state of affairs, it is necessary to look at an earlier analog. Following France’s defeat in 1940 and the occupation of 60% of its territory by Nazi Germany, the French National Assembly formed a new government (the Petain government), which lasted until April 1945 and became a shameful example of collaborationism.

Strictly speaking, Philippe Petain’s government was created in accordance with the letter of the law. Yet it was not in line with the spirit and idea of democracy. And because it wasn’t, the allies of the anti-Hitler coalition quickly severed their ties with it, robbing it of legitimacy.

Thus, when the Free France movement was established after Charles de Gaulle’s appeal on June 18, 1940, it was rapidly recognized by the Allies, and subsequently included in the U.S. lend-lease program to support countries fighting fascism. This assistance from the United States helped the French opposition become one of the victorious powers against fascism.

The main lesson of those years is that respect and support should not be given to those who, by engaging in political subterfuge, mimic democratic procedures to pursue totalitarian and aggressive policies. Rather, the backing of the free world should be given to those who, despite lacking significant resources, remain committed to hard-fought ideals, whatever the cost.

That lesson resonates today in the case of Russia, where the Putin regime — while formally adhering to the letter of the law — has revived political repression, wanton killings, and a pervasive atmosphere of fear. The Kremlin strongman has altered the Russian Constitution to suit himself, eliminated the sovereignty of Russia’s public institutions, and ensured the unconditional submission of Russia’s other branches of government.

The conclusion is evident: Just as in 1940, when the United Nations recognized de Gaulle and his Free France as the legitimate representative of the French people, democratic countries need to acknowledge the representatives of Russia’s democratic resistance as the legitimate voice of the Russian people. Russia’s representation in international relations should shift to anti-fascist forces — those opposing the Putin regime and its efforts to destroy Ukraine, wage war on democratic nations, and eradicate the freedoms of the Russian people themselves.

A step in this direction could have been taken on June 6 at Omaha Beach, but other opportunities are on the horizon. On Aug. 15, we will commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Allied landings in southern France. And on Nov. 9, we will mark the 35th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. On those occasions, it would be appropriate to invite representatives of the Russian democratic resistance to the celebration, whether they are from a political movement or those directly fighting Mr. Putin’s fascism on the battlefields of Ukraine.

Doing so would be deeply significant and symbolic. It would help prove to the world that the West understands that the Putin regime is not synonymous with the attitudes, desires and aspirations of the Russian people.